20.500.12556/RUNG-4520-245486c9-c009-8e92-06bb-690c674de5f5
Cross-Linguistic Variation in the Meaning of Quantifiers
Implications for Pragmatic Enrichment
One of the most studied scales in the literature on scalar implicatures is the quantifier scale. While the truth of some is entailed by the truth of all, some is felicitous only when
all is false. This opens the possibility that some would be felicitous if, e.g., almost all of the objects in the restriction of the quantifier have the property ascribed by the nuclear scope. This prediction from the standard theory of quantifier interpretation clashes with native speakers’ intuitions. In Experiment 1 we report a questionnaire study on the perception of quantifier meanings in English, French, Slovenian, and German which points to a cross-linguistic variation with respect to the perception of numerical bounds
of the existential quantifier. In Experiment 2, using a picture choice task, we further examine whether the numerical bound differences correlate with differences in pragmatic
interpretations of the quantifier some in English and quelques in French and interpret the results as supporting our hypothesis that some and its cross-linguistic counterparts are
subjected to different processes of pragmatic enrichment.
quantifier
numerical bound
scalar implicature
R/I-implicature
M-implicature
true
true
false
Angleški jezik
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2019-05-15 10:00:48
2019-05-15 10:25:26
2023-06-09 03:32:26
0000-00-00 00:00:00
2019
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957
10
2019
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Zaloznikova
NiDoloceno
NiDoloceno
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5384443
10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00957
URN:SI:UNG:REP:4JGPYX5A
official_copy_fpsyg-10-00957.pdf
official_copy_fpsyg-10-00957.pdf
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C761B1FED72910180B238D1B6515AAF8
849a9a4eb5ee70997a84f7424c719ebefa7904ec71d6534142738943dd17df08
782bda00-05ce-11ee-9c48-5ef991fed68f
https://repozitorij.ung.si/Dokument.php?lang=slv&id=18248
Univerza v Novi Gorici
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