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1.
Classifier predicate as a small clause in Slovenian Sign Language
Matic Pavlič, 2017, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Opis: In Slovenian Sign Language (SZJ), classifier predicate cannot be negated and thus it does not qualify as the head of a verb phrase. Such a conclusion does not rule out the possibility that SZJ classifier predicate projects a reduced clausal structure. I analyze these SZJ classifier predicates as non-verbal predicates that form a small-clause structure assuming that classifier small clause is selected by an overt (HAVE) or a covert verbal head. This proposal explains the complexity of classifier predicates. Being a non-verbal projection, classifier predicate fails to move with a verbal V-to-T movement and stays in situ. For SVO languages such as SZJ, this analysis correctly predicts the change from the basic SVO to the non-basic SOV for transitive classifier predicates and from the basic SVOdOi to the non-basic SOdVOi for ditransitive classifier predicates.
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Ključne besede: Slovenian Sign Language, classifier predicate, small clause, word order
Objavljeno: 10.11.2017; Ogledov: 1668; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (69,48 KB)

2.
DPs, IPs and (multiple) wh-fronting
Petra Mišmaš, 2019, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...wh-fronting, wh-phrase, nominal domain, clause, Slovenian...
Ključne besede: wh-fronting, wh-phrase, nominal domain, clause, Slovenian
Objavljeno: 05.11.2019; Ogledov: 476; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (325,08 KB)

3.
How good a cue is a resumptive pronoun? Processing relative clauses in Slovenian
Matic Pavlič, Artur Stepanov, 2020, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Opis: We explore the time course of processing Slovenian subject and object relative clauses (SRC and ORC, respectively) and the role of resumptive pronouns (RP). Participants (adult native speakers of Slovenian, Exp1: N=37; Exp2: N=33, Exp3: N=35) read the sentences in the self-paced mode, followed by a comprehension question after each sentence. In Exp.1 we ask whether the basic SRC/ORC processing asymmetry obtains in Slovenian, despite the presence of an RP. Results: The RC verb was read longer in ORCs compared to SRCs, and postverbal NPs were read longer than preverbal NPs (Figure 1). Both observations are likely to reflect integration effects, suggesting that the presence of RP does not cancel the stand-ard SRC/ORC processing asymmetry. In Exp. 2, we ask whether this asymmetry depends on the structural position of the RC within the sentence. We manipulated RC type and structural position (center-embedded, right-peripheral), across four conditions. Results: similarly to Exp.1, a SRC/ORC asymmetry was observed at the RC verb as well as between the postverbal vs. preverbal NPs, independently of the structural position of RC. The main clause predicate was read slower in sentences with center-embedded RCs compared to those with right-peripheral RCs, in accordance of predictions of metric-based theories of integration cost. Questions following ORCs took somewhat longer to answer than those following SRCs. At the same time, all RCs were read slower in the right-peripheral position than in the center-embedded position, and questions following right-peripheral RCs were answered significantly less accurately than those following center-embedded RCs. We attribute the greater complexity associated with the right-peripheral position to availability of a competitive parse based on a pseudo-relative structures. In Exp.3, we investigate how the feature structure of an RC head and its corresponding RP may affect retrieval of the RC head with the ORC subject as a featural intervenor. Design: by crossing values for number (sg., pl.) and gender (masc.,fem.) between the RC head, RP and the ORC subject we created a continuum of feature matching across four conditions. Results: the integration effect at the RC verb was significantly greater in the conditions with non-matching gender, but not those with non-matching number, suggesting that an RP does not cancel the intervention effect caused by featural similarity, while supporting the conjecture that different patterns of processing nominal features may correlate with their grammatical status (e.g. semantic vs. morphological).
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...of processing Slovenian subject and object relative clauses (SRC and ORC, respectively) and the role...
Ključne besede: relative clause, Slovenian, resumptive pronoun, self-paced reading, structural complexity, psycholinguistics
Objavljeno: 02.09.2020; Ogledov: 140; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (182,37 KB)

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