Verb wasn't built in a cycle (it was built in two)Marko Simonović
, Petra Mišmaš
, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci
Opis: In this talk, we focus on verbs and argue that verbs lack prosodic specification in their lexical entry. We propose that the two different stress patterns in verbs are a consequence of two positions for theme vowels in the verbal domain. Assuming that Slovenian prosody places stress at the final syllable of the deepest cycle (Simonović under review), we argue that the verb forms that surface with a stressed theme vowel (e.g. godrnj-á-mo) have the theme vowel positioned just below the first cyclic head, whereas the remaining verbs have their theme vowel above this position which leads to stem-final stress (vijúg-a-mo).
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...verbs, stress, root allomorphy, Slovenian, Distributed Morphology...
Ključne besede: verbs, stress, root allomorphy, Slovenian, Distributed Morphology
Objavljeno: 07.09.2020; Ogledov: 170; Prenosov: 0
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