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Opis: In traditional Yiddish dialects, the presence vs. absence of word-final rhotics after [ɜ] in adjectival suffixes carries a heavy functional load, making distinctions of gender, number, and case. Belk et al. (2019) note that some Yiddish speakers with uvular rhotics do not fully articulate them word-finally, endangering this crucial distinction and perhaps contributing to the loss of gender and case in the Yiddish of contemporary Hasidic communities. This study analyzes adjectival endings in publicly available recordings of for speakers with uvular rhotics. The majority of speakers generally do not produce an audible [ʀ] or [ʁ] before consonants, but the rhotic leaves its mark: for some, an underlying rhotic conditions higher F1 on the preceding vowel; others have lowered F2. F1 raising of [ɜ] can also occur when followed by the dorsal fricative [x/χ], suggesting that it is the uvularity of the rhotic that causes F1 raising; F2 lowering is limited to following rhotics, suggesting that this is a rhoticity effect. In addition, vowels followed by underlying coda rhotics are longer in duration. Results indicate that the rhotic triggers phonologized changes in the preceding vowel, while its own realization is weakened, perhaps to an approximant, and masked in the acoustic signal.
Ključne besede: Phonetics, Human voice, Phonology, Consonants, Vowel systems
Objavljeno v RUNG: 04.03.2024; Ogledov: 334; Prenosov: 2
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Opis: The paper proposes a rule-based feature analysis of the ya/e phenomenon in Bulgarian. Special attention is paid to the variable ya/е observed in the forms of the imperfect tense. First and second-conjugation verbs whose imperfect forms involve yat-alternation are compared with third-conjugation verbs where this alternation is not observed. The analysis also addresses the role of morphology in the process of adding different imperfect endings to the verb base and the effect of these endings on the variable ya/e. Finally, the phonemic status of soft consonants is discussed in relation to the proposed analysis.
Ključne besede: yat vowel, yat-alternation, variable ya/e, imperfect tense, rule-based analysis, features
Objavljeno v RUNG: 06.09.2022; Ogledov: 1274; Prenosov: 0
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Opis: There are different views regarding the exact position of the Theme Vowel (TH) in the verb structure within Distributive Morphology (DM). One is that THs are realisations of a TH position that is added to v0 (and other functional heads) (e.g. Oltra-Massuet 1999 and Embick and Halle 2005), another, argued for in Marvin (2002), is that THs are attached directly to the ROOT. The most recent proposal for Slovenian is the one made by Božič (2016, 2017), where he argues that TH is adjoined to Aspectual head (ASP0). On the other hand, Marvin has claimed, contra Božič (2017), that TH could only adjoin to category-defining heads, i.e. that adjunction to any other functional head, such as Tense head, Aspect or Passive is not possible in Slovenian. Our data suggest that contrary to Božič, it is -va- rather than -av- that is an imperfectivizing morpheme in Slovenian, and contrary to previous literature more widely, -va- is not just a secondary imperfective morpheme but more generally an imperfective morpheme. Our idea is supported by the clear distribution patterns shown by -va- in verbs which receive an imperfective interpretation. This suggestion makes further predictions on the position of TH vowel in Slovenian. We argue that TH precedes the imperfective suffix -va-, and thus cannot be a component of the imperfective morpheme, as assumed in Božič (2016, 2017). TH is rather a part of the ROOT (or verbalizing head to which it is attached).
Ključne besede: Distributive Morphology, Theme Vowel, Imperfective Suffixation, Slovenian
Objavljeno v RUNG: 14.10.2020; Ogledov: 2301; Prenosov: 78
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