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Coordinate structure constraint: a-/a'- movement vs. clitic movementFranc Marušič,
Rok Žaucer, 2017, original scientific article
Abstract: We discuss cases of apparent Coordinate Structure Constraint violations in Slovenian. We show that when two non-finite clauses are coordinated, clitics can front to the second position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second, and an accusative argument can scramble to a position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second. We argue that the apparent island violations result from post-syntactic movements and are thus not real island violations. Exhibiting typical properties of post-syntactic movements, clitic climbing and scrambling should thus be seen as PF-phenomena.
Keywords: coordinate structure constraint, clitic climbing, scrambling, island violations, non-finite complementation, Slovenian
Published in RUNG: 03.04.2018; Views: 5004; Downloads: 185
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