31. The importance of not belonging: Paradigmaticity and loan nominalizations in Serbo-CroatianMarko Simonovic, Boban Arsenijević, 2018, izvirni znanstveni članek Opis: In a number of Slavic and Germanic languages, various derivational affixes and morphological patterns of Latin origin are relatively common, and bear effects as abstract as deriving event nouns from verbs and property nouns from adjectives. This seems to contradict the general observation that abstract morphology typically is not subject to borrowing. We discuss the status of two Serbo-Croatian (S-C) nominalizing Latinate suffixes, -cija and -itet, complemented by one Germanic suffix, -er. On our analysis, these are not borrowed suffixes and derivational patterns, in the sense that they were present in another language and got copied into S-C, but rather suffixes and patterns which emerged within S-C, more specifically in the borrowed stratum of the S-C lexicon. Crucial factors in their emergence were the shared semantic properties of the nouns ending in the respective sequences (-cija, -itet and -er), and the quantitative properties of these sequences closely matching those of native derivational suffixes. Pragmatic, phonological and prosodic constraints apply to these derivations to the effect that the suffixes that have emerged in the borrowed domain of the lexicon never enter a competition with the native nominalization patterns.
Ključne besede: nominalisation, borrowing, loanword, language contact, Serbo-Croatian
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32. Prosody preservation and borrowing verbs as nouns in three systems with lexical prosodyMarko Simonovic, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Opis: The claim by Moravcsik (1975) that “if verbs are borrowed, they seem to be borrowed as if they were
nouns” generated a long-standing discussion within language contact research (see e.g. Wohlgemuth
2009 for a recent summary). More precisely, the claim was that “the borrowing language employs its
own means of denominal verbalization to turn the borrowed forms into verbs”. This can be interpreted
either as a statement about the integration pattern (which may not be mentally represented in
monolinguals) or as a claim about the syntactic representation of borrowed verbs in general, whereby
borrowed verbs contain an nP embedded under the vP. Both interpretations constitute important
hypotheses, which can serve as useful windows into the relation between morphology and phonology.
The rst
interpretation is compatible with the claim by Simonović (2015) that the integration pattern
essentially gets selected by Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1997): the pattern with most preservation of
the properties of the base and least stem allomorphy integrates loanwords. The second interpretation
makes important predictions whose implementation is highly dependent on the theory of morphology
employed. In this presentation I use a recent elaboration of Distributed Morphology in which the
separation between roots and categorial heads is extended to derivational suxes
(Lowenstamm 2015)
and put it to use in accounting for verb borrowing and denominal verbalisation in three Western South
Slavic varieties: Slovenian, Western Serbo-Croatian (henceforth Croatian) and Eastern Serbo-Croatian
(henceforth Serbian). All three varieties have lexical prosody. Slovenian has lexically determined stress.
In Serbo-Croatian each word has a lexically determined H, and stress assignment follows from its
distribution: if the syllable with a H is initial, italso gets stress; if the syllable with a H is non-initial, the
stress goes to the preceding syllable, forming a disyllabic rising accent (Zsiga & Zec 2013).
Simonović (2018) discusses exceptional preservation of base prosody in Western South Slavic verbs,
showing that WSS verbsallow only two prosodic shapes: stress/H stem-nally
(1a)and stress/H on the
theme vowel (1b), analysed as the contrast between accented and accentless roots. The only verbs
which ever display more contrast are borrowed and denominal verbs (2). Since nouns generally allow
more prosodic contrast than verbs (Smith 2011), Simonović (2018)argues that verb prosody should be
viewed as the regular WSS prosody, whereas all the cases of additional contrast should beanalysed asa
consequence of special Faithfulness, and, at least for the classes discussed by Simonović (2018),asingle
type of special Faithfulness seems to be sucient:
NF
Smith
2001).
Against the sketched background, variation within WSS is analysed. All three varieties have two
patterns for denominal verbs which both allow for exceptional preservation of the base prosody: -a-ti
and -ov-a-ti (illustrated in 2a; a isatheme vowel in both cases, ti is the innitive
ending). Tellingly, each
variety now hasastabilised borrowing pattern in which one of the two suxes
is used for English verbs
(illustrated in 2b). The necessity ofa denominal verbalisation analysis is relatively limited for Slovenian
and Croatian, where a large majority of verbs (but not all) become reanalysable as verbalised accented
roots (all the verbs in 3 have a stem-nal
stress/H). For Serbian, however, virtually all borrowed verbs
from the modern contact with English display the intermediate root -ov-, which makes the denominal
verbalisation analysis very attractive. Completing the picture for all three varieties, we turn to older
borrowed verbs, especially those from the contact preceding the one with English, in which alarge class
of international verbs were integrated and in which no prosodic contrast is instantiated (4).
In sum, the deverbal nominalisation analysis seems to beastrong cross-linguistic tendency rather than
an absolute rule and its availability depends both on the phonological makeup of the available
denominal verbalisation patterns and on the amount of prosodic contrast in the source language.
(1) Slovenian Croatian Serbian
a. Accented √ gléd-a-ti ‘to look’ gléHd-a-ti ‘to look’ gléHd-a-ti ‘to look’
b. Unaccented √ kop-á-ti ‘to dig’ kóp-aH
-ti ‘to dig’ kóp-aH
-ti ‘to dig’
(2) Slovenian Croatian Serbian
a. Denominal verbs málic-a-ti ‘to snack’ úH
žin-a-ti úH
žin-a-ti
(cf. málica ‘snack’) (cf. úH
žin-a ‘snack’) (cf. úH
žin-a ‘snack’)
vér-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ vjéH
r-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ v(j)éH
r-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’
(cf. vér-a ‘faith’) (cf. vjéH
r-a ‘faith’) (cf. v(j)éH
r-a ‘faith’)
b. Borrowed verbs édit-a-ti ‘to edit’ rikvéH
st-a-ti ‘to request’ rikvéH
st-ov-a-ti ‘to request’
tríger-a-ti ‘to trigger’ inváH
jt-a-ti ‘to invite’ inváH
jt-ov-a-ti ‘to invite’
(3) Borrowed verbs which can be reanalysed as verbalised accented root
Slovenian Croatian
sénd-a-ti ‘to send’ séHnd-a-ti ‘to send’
submít-a-ti ‘to submit’ éHdiH
t-a-ti ‘to edit’
(4) International verbs
Slovenian Croatian Serbian
Innitive
asist-ír-a-ti asist-í:r-aH
-ti asist-í:r-aH
-ti
Present.1Pl asist-ír-a-mo asíst-i:H
r-a:-mo asíst-i:H
r-a:-mo
Innitive
fotograf-ír-a-ti fotograf-í:r-aH
-ti fotográf-iH
s-a-ti
Present.1Pl fotograf-ír-a-mo fotográf-i:H
r-a:-mo fotográf-iH
š-e:mo-mo
Innitive
protest-ír-a-ti protest-í:r-aH
-ti próteH
st-ov-a-ti
Present.1Pl protest-ír-a-mo protést-i:H
r-a:-mo próteH
st-uj-e:-mo
References
Lowenstamm, Jean. 2015. Derivational axes
as roots: Phasal spell-out meets English stress shift. in
Artemis Alexiadou, Hagit Borer,and Florian Schafer (eds.) The syntax of rootsand the roots of syntax,
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 230–259.
Moravcsik, Edith. 1975. Borrowed verbs. Wiener Linguistische Gazette 8.
Simonović, Marko. 2015. Lexicon immigration service - Prolegomena to a theory of loanword
integration. (280 p.). LOT Dissertation Series 393.
Simonović, Marko. 2018. There is Faith and Faith: Prosodic contrast in Slovenian and Serbo-Croatian
verb derivation. Poster presented at the 26th Manchester Phonology Meeting.
Smith, Jennifer. 2001. Lexical Category and Phonological Contrast. In R. Kirchner, J. Pater, and W.
Wikely (eds.) PETL 6: Proceedings of the Workshop on the Lexicon in Phonetics and Phonology.
Edmonton: University of Alberta, 61-72.
Smith, Jennifer. 2011. Category-specic
eects.
In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin Ewen, Beth Hume,
and Keren Rice (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Phonology, 2439-2463. Malden, MA:
Wiley-Blackwell.
Steriade, Donca. 1997. Lexical Conservatism. In Linguistics in the Morning Calm, Selected Papers
from SICOL 1997, 157-179. Hanshin Publishing House
Wohlgemuth, Jan. 2009. A typology of verbal borrowings. Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Zsiga, Elizabeth C. and Draga Zec. 2013. Contextual evidence for the representation of pitch accents
in Standard Serbian. Language and Speech 56;1: 69 – 104.
Ključne besede: Borrowing, Denominal verbs, Slavic, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, Serbian, Croatian
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33. Nationaal Socialistisch Taalbeleid in Nederland voor en Tijdens de Bezetting 1940 - 1945Marko Simonovic, 2006, izvirni znanstveni članek Opis: Het centrale doel van dit onderzoek is de maatregelen op het gebied van de taalpolitiek, die de
overheid tijdens de Duitse bezetting heeft genomen, in kaart te brengen. Aangezien de kiemen
van een nieuw, bewust gepland taalgebruik al vanaf 1931 in de NSB-kringen te bespeuren
zijn, wordt er ook aan de “interne” nationaal-socialistische taalpolitiek voor de Tweede
Wereldoorlog aandacht besteed.
Klaarblijkelijk moet men er rekening mee houden dat de ingrepen op de taal in beide fasen
een verschillende status hadden. Toch hebben we hier ervoor gekozen de feiten uit de periode
voor en tijdens de bezetting samen te presenteren en het nationaal-socialistische taalbeleid in
Nederland als één verschijnsel te bekijken, aangezien de procédés, de doeleinden maar ook de
ijveraars van het nationaal-socialistische taalbeleid na de intocht van het Duitse leger vrijwel
dezelfde bleven. Er lijken twee aspecten te zijn waar men zou kunnen bepleiten dat het om
twee wezenlijk verschillende perioden gaat – de doelgroep en de “doordringendheid” van de
standaardisatie. Het lijkt toch moeilijk bewijsbaar dat een invloed op de taalgemeenschap als
geheel na de intocht als een hoofddoeleinde van de nationaal-socialisten gold (terwijl het vóór
de intocht niet het geval was). Wel zijn er aanwijzingen dat sommige aspecten van de
standaardisatie tijdens de bezetting juist elitistisch waren (bv. het jargon van de Germaanse
SS). Ook de “doordringendheid” van de nationaal-socialistische taalpolitiek lijkt tijdens de
bezetting niet groter te zijn geworden. Aangezien de nationaal-socialistische ingrepen op dit
gebied niet bepaald opvallend waren en er onder de bevolking geen bereidheid was om deze
ingrepen te accepteren/implementeren, is het moeilijk aan te tonen dat de Nederlandse
taalgemeenschap zich van deze taalpolitiek bewust was en, als dat wel het geval was, dat ze
na mei 1940 meer bekend en invloedrijk was.
Dat het om een gerechtvaardigde aanpak gaat, laat ook de enige beschikbare studie over het
taalgebruik van de Nederlandse nationaal-socialisten - Toorn, 1991 – zien. Toorn maakt
duidelijk dat de nieuwe omstandigheden weinig aan het taalgebruik, maar ook de perceptie
van de taal, veranderden.
Doorgaans staat de invloed op de Nederlandse taalgemeenschap centraal terwijl het beleid
i.v.m. de Duitse taalgemeenschap in Nederland buiten beschouwing is gelaten. Wel komt
Duits als tweede taal aan de orde.
Ključne besede: taalbeleid, tweede wereldoorlog, language planning, bezetting, Duits, Nederlands
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34. There is Faith and Faith: prosodic contrast in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian verb derivationMarko Simonovic, 2018, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Ključne besede: Verbs, Prosody, Optimality Theory, Distributed Morphology, Faithfulness, Theme vowels, Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian
Objavljeno v RUNG: 12.06.2018; Ogledov: 4877; Prenosov: 213
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