√ov Is in the Air: The Extreme Multifunctionality of the Slovenian Affix ovMarko Simonović
, Petra Mišmaš
, 2020, izvirni znanstveni članek
Opis: In this paper we consider several instances of the Slovenian affix ov, which surfaces in many, apparently unrelated contexts. Here we focus on (i) ov in verbs, where it can act as an imperfectivizer or a verbalizer, (ii) ov found in possessive adjectives and kind adjectives derived from nouns, (iii) ov which precedes the adjectiviser (e)n in denominal adjectives, and (iv) ov in nominal declension (acting as a genitive case ending in dual and plural or as a dual/plural augment). Building on the observation that certain affixes function either as inflectional or as derivational (see Simonović and Arsenijević 2020), and working within a Distributed Morphology approach which postulates that derivational affixes should be analyzed as roots (e.g. Lowenstamm 2014), we argue for a single multifunctional ov. This ov is a potentially meaningless root that can take as a complement other roots (thus forming a “radical core”) or phrases, resulting in different structures and consequently different stress patterns and meanings, but can also act as an Elsewhere allomorph, whose insertion is guided by an interplay of phonological and morphological constraints.
Ključne besede: morphology, Distributed Morphology, Slovenian, multifunctional affix, roots
Objavljeno v RUNG: 04.01.2021; Ogledov: 1803; Prenosov: 62
Celotno besedilo (609,55 KB)
Verb wasn't built in a cycle (it was built in two)Marko Simonović
, Petra Mišmaš
, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci
Opis: In this talk, we focus on verbs and argue that verbs lack prosodic specification in their lexical entry. We propose that the two different stress patterns in verbs are a consequence of two positions for theme vowels in the verbal domain. Assuming that Slovenian prosody places stress at the final syllable of the deepest cycle (Simonović under review), we argue that the verb forms that surface with a stressed theme vowel (e.g. godrnj-á-mo) have the theme vowel positioned just below the first cyclic head, whereas the remaining verbs have their theme vowel above this position which leads to stem-final stress (vijúg-a-mo).
Ključne besede: verbs, stress, root allomorphy, Slovenian, Distributed Morphology
Objavljeno v RUNG: 07.09.2020; Ogledov: 2155; Prenosov: 0
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There is Faith and Faith: prosodic contrast in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian verb derivationMarko Simonović
, 2018, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci
Ključne besede: Verbs, Prosody, Optimality Theory, Distributed Morphology, Faithfulness, Theme vowels, Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian
Objavljeno v RUNG: 12.06.2018; Ogledov: 3497; Prenosov: 208
Celotno besedilo (28,54 KB)