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31.
Poetic Self-Reflection in the Poetry of Milan Jesih
Mateja Eniko, 2018, izvirni znanstveni članek

Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...Milan Jesih, Slovenian contemporary poetry, metapoetry, self-reflection, self-referentiality, autothem...
Ključne besede: Milan Jesih, Slovenian contemporary poetry, metapoetry, self-reflection, self-referentiality, autothematization
Objavljeno: 15.11.2018; Ogledov: 1756; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (1,86 MB)

32.
Prosody preservation and borrowing verbs as nouns in three systems with lexical prosody
Marko Simonović, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Opis: The claim by Moravcsik (1975) that “if verbs are borrowed, they seem to be borrowed as if they were nouns” generated a long-standing discussion within language contact research (see e.g. Wohlgemuth 2009 for a recent summary). More precisely, the claim was that “the borrowing language employs its own means of denominal verbalization to turn the borrowed forms into verbs”. This can be interpreted either as a statement about the integration pattern (which may not be mentally represented in monolinguals) or as a claim about the syntactic representation of borrowed verbs in general, whereby borrowed verbs contain an nP embedded under the vP. Both interpretations constitute important hypotheses, which can serve as useful windows into the relation between morphology and phonology. The rst interpretation is compatible with the claim by Simonović (2015) that the integration pattern essentially gets selected by Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1997): the pattern with most preservation of the properties of the base and least stem allomorphy integrates loanwords. The second interpretation makes important predictions whose implementation is highly dependent on the theory of morphology employed. In this presentation I use a recent elaboration of Distributed Morphology in which the separation between roots and categorial heads is extended to derivational suxes (Lowenstamm 2015) and put it to use in accounting for verb borrowing and denominal verbalisation in three Western South Slavic varieties: Slovenian, Western Serbo-Croatian (henceforth Croatian) and Eastern Serbo-Croatian (henceforth Serbian). All three varieties have lexical prosody. Slovenian has lexically determined stress. In Serbo-Croatian each word has a lexically determined H, and stress assignment follows from its distribution: if the syllable with a H is initial, italso gets stress; if the syllable with a H is non-initial, the stress goes to the preceding syllable, forming a disyllabic rising accent (Zsiga & Zec 2013). Simonović (2018) discusses exceptional preservation of base prosody in Western South Slavic verbs, showing that WSS verbsallow only two prosodic shapes: stress/H stem-nally (1a)and stress/H on the theme vowel (1b), analysed as the contrast between accented and accentless roots. The only verbs which ever display more contrast are borrowed and denominal verbs (2). Since nouns generally allow more prosodic contrast than verbs (Smith 2011), Simonović (2018)argues that verb prosody should be viewed as the regular WSS prosody, whereas all the cases of additional contrast should beanalysed asa consequence of special Faithfulness, and, at least for the classes discussed by Simonović (2018),asingle type of special Faithfulness seems to be sucient: NF Smith 2001). Against the sketched background, variation within WSS is analysed. All three varieties have two patterns for denominal verbs which both allow for exceptional preservation of the base prosody: -a-ti and -ov-a-ti (illustrated in 2a; a isatheme vowel in both cases, ti is the innitive ending). Tellingly, each variety now hasastabilised borrowing pattern in which one of the two suxes is used for English verbs (illustrated in 2b). The necessity ofa denominal verbalisation analysis is relatively limited for Slovenian and Croatian, where a large majority of verbs (but not all) become reanalysable as verbalised accented roots (all the verbs in 3 have a stem-nal stress/H). For Serbian, however, virtually all borrowed verbs from the modern contact with English display the intermediate root -ov-, which makes the denominal verbalisation analysis very attractive. Completing the picture for all three varieties, we turn to older borrowed verbs, especially those from the contact preceding the one with English, in which alarge class of international verbs were integrated and in which no prosodic contrast is instantiated (4). In sum, the deverbal nominalisation analysis seems to beastrong cross-linguistic tendency rather than an absolute rule and its availability depends both on the phonological makeup of the available denominal verbalisation patterns and on the amount of prosodic contrast in the source language. (1) Slovenian Croatian Serbian a. Accented √ gléd-a-ti ‘to look’ gléHd-a-ti ‘to look’ gléHd-a-ti ‘to look’ b. Unaccented √ kop-á-ti ‘to dig’ kóp-aH -ti ‘to dig’ kóp-aH -ti ‘to dig’ (2) Slovenian Croatian Serbian a. Denominal verbs málic-a-ti ‘to snack’ úH žin-a-ti úH žin-a-ti (cf. málica ‘snack’) (cf. úH žin-a ‘snack’) (cf. úH žin-a ‘snack’) vér-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ vjéH r-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ v(j)éH r-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ (cf. vér-a ‘faith’) (cf. vjéH r-a ‘faith’) (cf. v(j)éH r-a ‘faith’) b. Borrowed verbs édit-a-ti ‘to edit’ rikvéH st-a-ti ‘to request’ rikvéH st-ov-a-ti ‘to request’ tríger-a-ti ‘to trigger’ inváH jt-a-ti ‘to invite’ inváH jt-ov-a-ti ‘to invite’ (3) Borrowed verbs which can be reanalysed as verbalised accented root Slovenian Croatian sénd-a-ti ‘to send’ séHnd-a-ti ‘to send’ submít-a-ti ‘to submit’ éHdiH t-a-ti ‘to edit’ (4) International verbs Slovenian Croatian Serbian Innitive asist-ír-a-ti asist-í:r-aH -ti asist-í:r-aH -ti Present.1Pl asist-ír-a-mo asíst-i:H r-a:-mo asíst-i:H r-a:-mo Innitive fotograf-ír-a-ti fotograf-í:r-aH -ti fotográf-iH s-a-ti Present.1Pl fotograf-ír-a-mo fotográf-i:H r-a:-mo fotográf-iH š-e:mo-mo Innitive protest-ír-a-ti protest-í:r-aH -ti próteH st-ov-a-ti Present.1Pl protest-ír-a-mo protést-i:H r-a:-mo próteH st-uj-e:-mo References Lowenstamm, Jean. 2015. Derivational axes as roots: Phasal spell-out meets English stress shift. in Artemis Alexiadou, Hagit Borer,and Florian Schafer (eds.) The syntax of rootsand the roots of syntax, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 230–259. Moravcsik, Edith. 1975. Borrowed verbs. Wiener Linguistische Gazette 8. Simonović, Marko. 2015. Lexicon immigration service - Prolegomena to a theory of loanword integration. (280 p.). LOT Dissertation Series 393. Simonović, Marko. 2018. There is Faith and Faith: Prosodic contrast in Slovenian and Serbo-Croatian verb derivation. Poster presented at the 26th Manchester Phonology Meeting. Smith, Jennifer. 2001. Lexical Category and Phonological Contrast. In R. Kirchner, J. Pater, and W. Wikely (eds.) PETL 6: Proceedings of the Workshop on the Lexicon in Phonetics and Phonology. Edmonton: University of Alberta, 61-72. Smith, Jennifer. 2011. Category-specic eects. In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin Ewen, Beth Hume, and Keren Rice (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Phonology, 2439-2463. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Steriade, Donca. 1997. Lexical Conservatism. In Linguistics in the Morning Calm, Selected Papers from SICOL 1997, 157-179. Hanshin Publishing House Wohlgemuth, Jan. 2009. A typology of verbal borrowings. Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Zsiga, Elizabeth C. and Draga Zec. 2013. Contextual evidence for the representation of pitch accents in Standard Serbian. Language and Speech 56;1: 69 – 104.
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...denominal verbalisation in three Western South Slavic varieties: Slovenian, Western Serbo-Croatian (henceforth Croatian) and Eastern Serbo-Croatian (hence...
Ključne besede: Borrowing, Denominal verbs, Slavic, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, Serbian, Croatian
Objavljeno: 27.11.2018; Ogledov: 1693; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (184,70 KB)

33.
Surviving sluicing
Tina Šuligoj, Vesna Plesničar, Petra Mišmaš, Franc Marušič, 2018, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Opis: In this paper, we discuss examples of sluicing in Slovenian in which, in addition to a wh-phrase (or wh-phrases in instances of multiple sluicing) discourse particles appear. This is unexpected given Merchant’s (2001) Sluicing-COMP generalization, as already observed in Marušič et al. (2015), even though there are several languages in which similar cases exist, e.g. German. In this paper we focus on discourse particles pa and že in (multiple) wh-questions and sluicing. These examples are not only important for our understanding of sluicing but are also crucial for analyzing discourse particles in Slovenian. Based on examples with sluicing and discourse particles in Slovenian, we argue against positioning these particles within the whphrase, clitic cluster or the IP.
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...paper, we discuss examples of sluicing in Slovenian in which, in addition to a wh-phrase...
Ključne besede: Slovenian, sluicing, particles, sluicing-COMP generalization
Objavljeno: 01.02.2019; Ogledov: 1756; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (164,52 KB)

34.
Anomaly detection in processing of complex syntax by early L2 learners
Artur Stepanov, Sara Andreetta, Penka Stateva, Adam Zawiszewski, Itziar Laka, 35, izvirni znanstveni članek

Opis: This study investigates the processing of long-distance syntactic dependencies by native speakers of Slovenian (L1) who are advanced learners of Italian as a second language (L2), compared with monolingual Italian speakers. Using a self-paced reading task, we compare sensitivity of the early-acquired L2 learners to syntactic anomalies in their L2 in two empirical domains: (1) syntactic islands, for which the learners’ L1 and L2 grammars provide a converging characterization, and (2) verb–clitic constructions, for which the respective L1 and L2 grammatical descriptions diverge. We find that although our L2 learners show native-like processing patterns in the former, converging, grammatical domain, they may nevertheless perform non-native-like with respect to syntactic phenomena in which the L1 and L2 grammars do not align, despite the early age of L2 acquisition. Implications for theories of L2 acquisition and endstate are discussed.
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...long-distance syntactic dependencies by native speakers of Slovenian (L1) who are advanced learners of Italian...
Ključne besede: bilingualism, clitic, Italian, sentence processing, Slovenian, syntactic island
Objavljeno: 21.02.2019; Ogledov: 1855; Prenosov: 63
Gradivo ima več datotek! Več...

35.
√ov is in the air: The extreme multifunctionality of the Slovenian affix -ov-
Marko Simonović, Petra Mišmaš, prispevek na konferenci brez natisa

Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Ključne besede: Slovenian, Distributed Morphology, Morphology, allomorphy, adjectives, declension, root, affix
Objavljeno: 28.06.2019; Ogledov: 1464; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (82,74 KB)

36.
37.
On the nature of prenumeral adjectives
Rok Žaucer, Franc Marušič, 2019, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci (vabljeno predavanje)

Opis: Following Greenberg’s generalization 20 prenominal adjectives follow numerals. In this paper we discuss a group of adjectives that appear in unexpected positions: adjectives preceding numerals prenominally. We argue that these adjectives violate cross-linguistic generalizations only apparently, as the noun phrases with such adjectives actually contain additional covert structure – structure that is not realized phonologically/phonetically.
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...Greenberg’s generalization 20, adjectives, numerals, noun phrase, Slovenian syntax...
Ključne besede: Greenberg’s generalization 20, adjectives, numerals, noun phrase, Slovenian syntax
Objavljeno: 05.11.2019; Ogledov: 1148; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (1,01 MB)
Gradivo ima več datotek! Več...

38.
DPs, IPs and (multiple) wh-fronting
Petra Mišmaš, 2019, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Ključne besede: wh-fronting, wh-phrase, nominal domain, clause, Slovenian
Objavljeno: 05.11.2019; Ogledov: 1125; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (325,08 KB)

39.
Advances in formal Slavic linguistics 2017
2020, zbornik recenziranih znanstvenih prispevkov na mednarodni ali tuji konferenci

Opis: Advances in Formal Slavic Linguistics 2017 is a collection of fifteen articles that were prepared on the basis of talks given at the conference Formal Description of Slavic Languages 12.5, which was held on December 7-9, 2017, at the University of Nova Gorica. The volume covers a wide array of topics, such as control verbs, instrumental arguments, and perduratives in Russian, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, and complementizer ellipsis in Czech, impersonal se-constructions and complementizer doubling in Slovenian, prosody and the morphology of multi-purpose suffixes in Serbo-Croatian, and indefinite numerals and the binding properties of dative arguments in Polish. Importantly, by exploring these phenomena in individual Slavic languages, the collection of articles in this volume makes a significant contribution to both Slavic linguistics and to linguistics in general.
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Povzetek najdenega: ...Czech, impersonal se-constructions and complementizer doubling in Slovenian, prosody and the morphology of multi-purpose suffixes...
Ključne besede: Slavic, linguistics, Formal Description of Slavic Languages, control verbs, instrumental arguments, perduratives, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, complementizer ellipsis, impersonal se-constructions, complementizer doubling, indefinite numerals, binding, Russian, Czech, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, Polish
Objavljeno: 02.06.2020; Ogledov: 991; Prenosov: 47
.pdf Polno besedilo (2,12 MB)

40.
How good a cue is a resumptive pronoun? Processing relative clauses in Slovenian
Matic Pavlič, Artur Stepanov, 2020, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Opis: We explore the time course of processing Slovenian subject and object relative clauses (SRC and ORC, respectively) and the role of resumptive pronouns (RP). Participants (adult native speakers of Slovenian, Exp1: N=37; Exp2: N=33, Exp3: N=35) read the sentences in the self-paced mode, followed by a comprehension question after each sentence. In Exp.1 we ask whether the basic SRC/ORC processing asymmetry obtains in Slovenian, despite the presence of an RP. Results: The RC verb was read longer in ORCs compared to SRCs, and postverbal NPs were read longer than preverbal NPs (Figure 1). Both observations are likely to reflect integration effects, suggesting that the presence of RP does not cancel the stand-ard SRC/ORC processing asymmetry. In Exp. 2, we ask whether this asymmetry depends on the structural position of the RC within the sentence. We manipulated RC type and structural position (center-embedded, right-peripheral), across four conditions. Results: similarly to Exp.1, a SRC/ORC asymmetry was observed at the RC verb as well as between the postverbal vs. preverbal NPs, independently of the structural position of RC. The main clause predicate was read slower in sentences with center-embedded RCs compared to those with right-peripheral RCs, in accordance of predictions of metric-based theories of integration cost. Questions following ORCs took somewhat longer to answer than those following SRCs. At the same time, all RCs were read slower in the right-peripheral position than in the center-embedded position, and questions following right-peripheral RCs were answered significantly less accurately than those following center-embedded RCs. We attribute the greater complexity associated with the right-peripheral position to availability of a competitive parse based on a pseudo-relative structures. In Exp.3, we investigate how the feature structure of an RC head and its corresponding RP may affect retrieval of the RC head with the ORC subject as a featural intervenor. Design: by crossing values for number (sg., pl.) and gender (masc.,fem.) between the RC head, RP and the ORC subject we created a continuum of feature matching across four conditions. Results: the integration effect at the RC verb was significantly greater in the conditions with non-matching gender, but not those with non-matching number, suggesting that an RP does not cancel the intervention effect caused by featural similarity, while supporting the conjecture that different patterns of processing nominal features may correlate with their grammatical status (e.g. semantic vs. morphological).
Najdeno v: ključnih besedah
Ključne besede: relative clause, Slovenian, resumptive pronoun, self-paced reading, structural complexity, psycholinguistics
Objavljeno: 02.09.2020; Ogledov: 739; Prenosov: 0
.pdf Polno besedilo (182,37 KB)

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