41. On the Distribution of Imperfective Suffixation and the Position of Theme Vowels in SlovenianVesna Plesničar, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Opis: There are different views regarding the exact position of the Theme Vowel (TH) in the verb structure within Distributive Morphology (DM). One is that THs are realisations of a TH position that is added to v0 (and other functional heads) (e.g. Oltra-Massuet 1999 and Embick and Halle 2005), another, argued for in Marvin (2002), is that THs are attached directly to the ROOT. The most recent proposal for Slovenian is the one made by Božič (2016, 2017), where he argues that TH is adjoined to Aspectual head (ASP0). On the other hand, Marvin has claimed, contra Božič (2017), that TH could only adjoin to category-defining heads, i.e. that adjunction to any other functional head, such as Tense head, Aspect or Passive is not possible in Slovenian. Our data suggest that contrary to Božič, it is -va- rather than -av- that is an imperfectivizing morpheme in Slovenian, and contrary to previous literature more widely, -va- is not just a secondary imperfective morpheme but more generally an imperfective morpheme. Our idea is supported by the clear distribution patterns shown by -va- in verbs which receive an imperfective interpretation. This suggestion makes further predictions on the position of TH vowel in Slovenian. We argue that TH precedes the imperfective suffix -va-, and thus cannot be a component of the imperfective morpheme, as assumed in Božič (2016, 2017). TH is rather a part of the ROOT (or verbalizing head to which it is attached).
Ključne besede: Distributive Morphology, Theme Vowel, Imperfective Suffixation, Slovenian
Objavljeno v RUNG: 14.10.2020; Ogledov: 2275; Prenosov: 78
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43. Think globally, act locallyMarko Simonović, Petra Mišmaš, prispevek na konferenci brez natisa Opis: Slovenian is one of the languages used as a source of data for a model of non-local allomorphy in Božič (2019). Specifically, Božič (2019: 501) argues for non-local allomorphy in Slovenian because the root of the verb can differ depending on the finiteness of the form and this interaction occurs across the theme vowel (ž-e-ti ‘to reap’ vs. žanj-e-m ‘I reap’). In this talk we will, based on observations in Marvin (2003), propose a general account of theme vowels in Slovenian as the spellout of the v head and present additional data in favor of the more traditional analysis že-∅-ti~žanj-e-m (e.g. in Šekli 2010), which only involves local allomorphy.
Ključne besede: verbs, Slovenian, allomorphy, stress, theme vowels, spellout
Objavljeno v RUNG: 24.09.2020; Ogledov: 2654; Prenosov: 0
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44. Verb wasn't built in a cycle (it was built in two)Marko Simonović, Petra Mišmaš, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Opis: In this talk, we focus on verbs and argue that verbs lack prosodic specification in their lexical entry. We propose that the two different stress patterns in verbs are a consequence of two positions for theme vowels in the verbal domain. Assuming that Slovenian prosody places stress at the final syllable of the deepest cycle (Simonović under review), we argue that the verb forms that surface with a stressed theme vowel (e.g. godrnj-á-mo) have the theme vowel positioned just below the first cyclic head, whereas the remaining verbs have their theme vowel above this position which leads to stem-final stress (vijúg-a-mo).
Ključne besede: verbs, stress, root allomorphy, Slovenian, Distributed Morphology
Objavljeno v RUNG: 07.09.2020; Ogledov: 2575; Prenosov: 0
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45. How good a cue is a resumptive pronoun? Processing relative clauses in SlovenianMatic Pavlič, Arthur Stepanov, 2020, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Opis: We explore the time course of processing Slovenian subject and object relative clauses (SRC and ORC, respectively) and the role of resumptive pronouns (RP). Participants (adult native speakers of Slovenian, Exp1: N=37; Exp2: N=33, Exp3: N=35) read the sentences in the self-paced mode, followed by a comprehension question after each sentence. In Exp.1 we ask whether the basic SRC/ORC processing asymmetry obtains in Slovenian, despite the presence of an RP. Results: The RC verb was read longer in ORCs compared to SRCs, and postverbal NPs were read longer than preverbal NPs (Figure 1). Both observations are likely to reflect integration effects, suggesting that the presence of RP does not cancel the stand-ard SRC/ORC processing asymmetry. In Exp. 2, we ask whether this asymmetry depends on the structural position of the RC within the sentence. We manipulated RC type and structural position (center-embedded, right-peripheral), across four conditions. Results: similarly to Exp.1, a SRC/ORC asymmetry was observed at the RC verb as well as between the postverbal vs. preverbal NPs, independently of the structural position of RC. The main clause predicate was read slower in sentences with center-embedded RCs compared to those with right-peripheral RCs, in accordance of predictions of metric-based theories of integration cost. Questions following ORCs took somewhat longer to answer than those following SRCs. At the same time, all RCs were read slower in the right-peripheral position than in the center-embedded position, and questions following right-peripheral RCs were answered significantly less accurately than those following center-embedded RCs. We attribute the greater complexity associated with the right-peripheral position to availability of a competitive parse based on a pseudo-relative structures. In Exp.3, we investigate how the feature structure of an RC head and its corresponding RP may affect retrieval of the RC head with the ORC subject as a featural intervenor. Design: by crossing values for number (sg., pl.) and gender (masc.,fem.) between the RC head, RP and the ORC subject we created a continuum of feature matching across four conditions. Results: the integration effect at the RC verb was significantly greater in the conditions with non-matching gender, but not those with non-matching number, suggesting that an RP does not cancel the intervention effect caused by featural similarity, while supporting the conjecture that different patterns of processing nominal features may correlate with their grammatical status (e.g. semantic vs. morphological).
Ključne besede: relative clause, Slovenian, resumptive pronoun, self-paced reading, structural complexity, psycholinguistics
Objavljeno v RUNG: 02.09.2020; Ogledov: 2562; Prenosov: 0
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46. Advances in formal Slavic linguistics 20172020, zbornik recenziranih znanstvenih prispevkov na mednarodni ali tuji konferenci Opis: Advances in Formal Slavic Linguistics 2017 is a collection of fifteen articles that were prepared on the basis of talks given at the conference Formal Description of Slavic Languages 12.5, which was held on December 7-9, 2017, at the University of Nova Gorica. The volume covers a wide array of topics, such as control verbs, instrumental arguments, and perduratives in Russian, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, and complementizer ellipsis in Czech, impersonal se-constructions and complementizer doubling in Slovenian, prosody and the morphology of multi-purpose suffixes in Serbo-Croatian, and indefinite numerals and the binding properties of dative arguments in Polish. Importantly, by exploring these phenomena in individual Slavic languages, the collection of articles in this volume makes a significant contribution to both Slavic linguistics and to linguistics in general.
Ključne besede: Slavic, linguistics, Formal Description of Slavic Languages, control verbs, instrumental arguments, perduratives, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, complementizer ellipsis, impersonal se-constructions, complementizer doubling, indefinite numerals, binding, Russian, Czech, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, Polish
Objavljeno v RUNG: 02.06.2020; Ogledov: 2758; Prenosov: 188
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48. On the nature of prenumeral adjectivesFranc Marušič, Rok Žaucer, 2019, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci (vabljeno predavanje) Opis: Following Greenberg’s generalization 20 prenominal adjectives follow numerals. In
this paper we discuss a group of adjectives that appear in unexpected positions: adjectives
preceding numerals prenominally. We argue that these adjectives violate cross-linguistic
generalizations only apparently, as the noun phrases with such adjectives actually contain
additional covert structure – structure that is not realized phonologically/phonetically.
Ključne besede: Greenberg’s generalization 20, adjectives, numerals, noun phrase, Slovenian syntax
Objavljeno v RUNG: 05.11.2019; Ogledov: 2675; Prenosov: 0
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49. THE RECEPTION OF THE WEST-EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN PLAYWRIGHTS IN SLOVENIAN DRAMA AND THEATRE (1945–1970)Rok Andres, 2019, doktorska disertacija Ključne besede: reception, drama, Slovenian drama, theatre history, existentialism, absurd drama, SNG Drama Ljubljana, western playwrights
Objavljeno v RUNG: 27.08.2019; Ogledov: 3926; Prenosov: 198
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