3.
Coordinate structure constraint: a-/a'- movement vs. clitic movementFranc Marušič,
Rok Žaucer, 2017, izvirni znanstveni članek
Opis: We discuss cases of apparent Coordinate Structure Constraint violations in Slovenian. We show that when two non-finite clauses are coordinated, clitics can front to the second position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second, and an accusative argument can scramble to a position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second. We argue that the apparent island violations result from post-syntactic movements and are thus not real island violations. Exhibiting typical properties of post-syntactic movements, clitic climbing and scrambling should thus be seen as PF-phenomena.
Ključne besede: coordinate structure constraint, clitic climbing, scrambling, island violations, non-finite complementation, Slovenian
Objavljeno v RUNG: 03.04.2018; Ogledov: 5022; Prenosov: 185
Celotno besedilo (206,08 KB)
