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4. Certainly but not certain : the expression of subjective and objective probabilityKazuko Yatsushiro, Tue Trinh, Marzena Żygis, Stephanie Solt, Anton Benz, Manfred Krifka, 2022, izvirni znanstveni članek Opis: This paper investigates the interpretation of the epistemic modal adjectives possible, certain and their adverbial counterparts possibly, certainly, taking the perspective that the former express objective modality, whereas the latter express subjective modality. In support of this view, we report on two experiments that assess speakers’ acceptance of possible, certain, possibly, certainly in different contexts. Our results extend those of Lassiter (2016) in demonstrating a difference in interpretation between the adjectival and adverbial modals, with possibly less acceptable than possible but conversely certainly more acceptable than certain in the same situations. Furthermore, the results of our experiments suggest a new insight, namely that these differences depend, to some extent, on the probability of the eventuality in question and polarity of the prejacent sentence.
Ključne besede: modals, adjectives, adverbs, probability, speech acts
Objavljeno v RUNG: 09.01.2025; Ogledov: 412; Prenosov: 5
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5. Embedding imperatives in EnglishLuka Crnič, Tue Trinh, 2023, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci Opis: Although it has generally been claimed otherwise (cf. Katz and Postal 1964, Sadock and Zwicky 1985, Palmer 1986, Rivero and Terzi 1995, Platzack and Rosengren 1998, Han 1998 among others), it holds that embedded imperatives exist in English. We describe their main characteristics and provide an account of these by relying on Schwager's (2006) propositional analysis of imperatives, where imperatives are treated as modalized sentences. The imperative modal is thereby relativized to eventualities (cf. Hacquard 2006).
Ključne besede: imperatives, embedding, modals, events
Objavljeno v RUNG: 09.01.2025; Ogledov: 375; Prenosov: 4
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7. Epistemic bias anti-licenses NPIs in polar questionsTue Trinh, 2023, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci Opis: There is general agreement that the distribution of "any" is unrestricted in polar questions. I argue that this is not the case: in contexts where there is epistemic bias in favor of the prejacent of a polar question, the question exhibits the same behavior as a declarative with respect to the licensing of "any". I provide an account for this observation in terms of intervention: epistemic bias forces polar questions to be parsed as having a silent modal E which intervenes between "any" and the question operator "whether" that otherwise licenses "any".
Ključne besede: NPI, questions, bias, modals
Objavljeno v RUNG: 09.01.2025; Ogledov: 397; Prenosov: 4
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