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91.
Whether or not anything but not whether anything or not
Elena Guerzoni, Yael Sharvit, 2013, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Ključne besede: alternative questions, polar questions, negation, NPIs
Objavljeno v RUNG: 21.02.2024; Ogledov: 302; Prenosov: 3
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92.
NPIs in questions, disjunction and ellipsis
Elena Guerzoni, Yael Sharvit, 2014, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Ključne besede: alternative questions, syntax, semantics, negative polarity, strong exhaustivity
Objavljeno v RUNG: 21.02.2024; Ogledov: 324; Prenosov: 1
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93.
When tense shifts expressive presuppositions : hani and monstrous semantics
Furkan Dikmen, Elena Guerzoni, Ömer Demirok, 2023, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci

Ključne besede: temporal indexical shift, Turkish, discourse particles
Objavljeno v RUNG: 21.02.2024; Ogledov: 319; Prenosov: 2
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94.
Past tense shifting context parameters: Turkish "hani" and monstrous semantics : lecture at UNG, Jezik & Linguistics Colloquia talk, 5. 6. 2023
Elena Guerzoni, 2023, predavanje na tuji univerzi

Ključne besede: Temporal shift, Turkish
Objavljeno v RUNG: 21.02.2024; Ogledov: 284; Prenosov: 1
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95.
Even-NPIs in questions
Elena Guerzoni, 2002, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Ključne besede: minimizers, negative polarity, constituent questions
Objavljeno v RUNG: 21.02.2024; Ogledov: 330; Prenosov: 1
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96.
Double negatives, Negative Concord and metalinguistic negation
Luis Alonso Ovalle, Elena Guerzoni, 2002, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Opis: Spanish nadie, nada…) do not find a unified account in any of the existing analyses of Negative Concord (NC): (i) their uses in the special context of denials and (ii) their incompatibility with factive environments. We suggest that the unifying property of these two apparently unrelated phenomena is the common sensitivity of these two environments (denials and factives) to non-truthconditional aspects of meaning. Thereof we take these properties to reveal that the meaning of n-words involves a nontruthconditional component. Specifically, we explore the hypothesis that n-words are existential quantifiers at the truth-conditional level but that they contribute negative existentials at the level of their conventional implicatures. This hypothesis explains the special uses of n-words in denials and their incompatibility with factive environments. The fact that they are restricted to the scope of negation (or more precisely averidical expressions 1 (Giannakidou’s 1997,2000)) in non-sentence-initial position follows as a consequence of the relation between their implicature and their semantic contribution to the truth conditions of the sentences they appear in. Under certain common additional stipulations, this view can be extended to preverbal occurrences as well.
Ključne besede: negative concord, Italian, Spanish
Objavljeno v RUNG: 21.02.2024; Ogledov: 298; Prenosov: 0
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97.
Even and minimizer NPIs in wh-questions
Elena Guerzoni, 2003, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Opis: This work follows up on a previous paper of mine on y/n questions with ‘minimizer’ Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) like lift a finger, bat an eyelash, budge (an inch) (i.e. Guerzoni 2002) and brings into the picture the case of wh-questions. In the interest of space, the summary I provide of that paper is very brief; for a fuller understanding the reader should refer to the paper itself.
Ključne besede: minimizers, negative polarity, constituent questions
Objavljeno v RUNG: 20.02.2024; Ogledov: 324; Prenosov: 0
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98.
Even-NPIs in yes/no questions
Elena Guerzoni, 2004, izvirni znanstveni članek

Opis: It has been a long-standing puzzle that Negative Polarity Items appear to split into two subvarieties when their effect on the interpretation of questions is taken into account: while questions with any and ever can be used as unbiased requests of information, questions with so-called `minimizers', i.e. idioms like lift a finger and the faintest idea, are always biased towards a negative answer (cf. Ladusaw 1979). Focusing on yes/no questions, this paper presents a solution to this puzzle. Specifically it is shown that in virtue of containing even (cf. Heim 1984), minimizers, unlike any, trigger a presupposition, which reduces the set of the possible answers to a question to the singleton containing the negative answer.
Ključne besede: NPIs, minimizers, polar questions, presupposition, negative bias
Objavljeno v RUNG: 20.02.2024; Ogledov: 353; Prenosov: 2
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99.
On Karttunen’s "The syntax and semantics of questions"
Elena Guerzoni, 2022, samostojni znanstveni sestavek ali poglavje v monografski publikaciji

Opis: Karttunen’s article on the syntax and semantics of questions is a milestone in the truth-conditional compositional semantics of interrogatives and of verbs that embed them. It is the first comprehensive study of the mapping between the syntax and the interpretation of the three different types of questions (polar, constituent and alternative questions) and presents the first semantic analysis of question-embedding verbs (QEVs henceforth) that assumes the same intensions for matrix and embedded interrogatives. This analysis continues to vastly inspire the ongoing research on the properties of questions and QEVs. This chapter illustrates Karttunen’s theory focusing on those formal details that have been the most influential in subsequent literature. In doing so, however, I will take the liberty to suggest a less than literal rendition of these details, in an attempt to make the discussion more accessible to today’s reader. The main departure that I make here from Karttunen’s 1977 is in the formal framework. Whereas Karttunen adopts Montague’s PTQ, here I will expose his ideas in Heim and Kratzer‘s type driven semantics.
Ključne besede: interrogatives, questions, syntax-semantics interface, compositionality, wh-movement
Objavljeno v RUNG: 20.02.2024; Ogledov: 310; Prenosov: 4
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100.
Weak exhaustivity and "whether" : a pragmatic approach
Elena Guerzoni, 2007, objavljeni znanstveni prispevek na konferenci

Objavljeno v RUNG: 20.02.2024; Ogledov: 279; Prenosov: 2
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