1. A sublexicon approach to the paradigm cell filling problem : lecture at the 5th American International Morphology Meeting, 29. 8. 2021, on-lineGuy Tabachnick, 2001, prispevek na konferenci brez natisa Opis: How do learners figure out an inflected form of a word when they haven’t seen it before and a language allows for more than one option? In some cases, learners can make generalizations about a word’s phonological form (e.g. English verbs ending in [ɪŋ] like sting often have past tenses with [ʌŋ]). In others, as Ackerman et al. (2009) and Ackerman and Malouf (2013) show, knowing some of a word’s inflected forms often allows one to efficiently solve the Paradigm Cell Filling Problem—that is, predicting an additional form. They argue for a morphological model in which the paradigm is a fundamental unit of structure.
I propose a model for how learners may use some forms of a word to predict others outside a paradigm-based formal system. In particular, I extend the sublexicon model (Gouskova et al., 2015; Becker and Gouskova, 2016), used for capturing phonological generalizations, to include dependencies between morphophonological behaviors. This can account for Hungarian possessive allomorphy, in which a noun’s choice of possessive suffix can be substantially, but not entirely, predicted both by its phonological characteristics and its membership in a certain morphological class.
Ključne besede: lexically specified allomorphy, rules of exponence, Paradigm Cell Filling Problem, sublexicons, morphological learning
Objavljeno v RUNG: 04.03.2024; Ogledov: 1693; Prenosov: 5
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2. Paradigm uniformity in Czech prefix vocalizationGuy Tabachnick, 2019, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Opis: The nature of inflectional paradigms in morphology is controversial, with some (e.g. Bobaljik, 2008) arguing that some supposed paradigmatic effects are instead due to morphosyntactic properties. I look at Czech prefix vocalization, a phenomenon in which consonant-final prefixes sometimes require a vowel (in Czech, this is always [ɛ]) at their end when attaching to a root. I analyze it as morphophonologically driven epenthesis and show that it overapplies across an inflectional paradigm, arguing that the paradigm is a meaningful linguistic unit. I account for prefix vocalization with Optimal Paradigms (McCarthy, 2005).
Ključne besede: Czech, prefix vocalization, paradigm uniformity, verbal morphology, allomorphy
Objavljeno v RUNG: 04.03.2024; Ogledov: 1678; Prenosov: 7
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5. Why kl~kolj, br~ber, v~ved, but never kl~br or kolj~ber? : restrictions on the phonological shape of root allomorphs in SlovenianPetra Mišmaš, Marko Simonović, 2021, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Ključne besede: Slovenian, phonology, morphology, verbs, root allomorphy, theme vowels
Objavljeno v RUNG: 29.01.2021; Ogledov: 3496; Prenosov: 72
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7. Think globally, act locallyMarko Simonović, Petra Mišmaš, prispevek na konferenci brez natisa Opis: Slovenian is one of the languages used as a source of data for a model of non-local allomorphy in Božič (2019). Specifically, Božič (2019: 501) argues for non-local allomorphy in Slovenian because the root of the verb can differ depending on the finiteness of the form and this interaction occurs across the theme vowel (ž-e-ti ‘to reap’ vs. žanj-e-m ‘I reap’). In this talk we will, based on observations in Marvin (2003), propose a general account of theme vowels in Slovenian as the spellout of the v head and present additional data in favor of the more traditional analysis že-∅-ti~žanj-e-m (e.g. in Šekli 2010), which only involves local allomorphy.
Ključne besede: verbs, Slovenian, allomorphy, stress, theme vowels, spellout
Objavljeno v RUNG: 24.09.2020; Ogledov: 3953; Prenosov: 0
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8. Verb wasn't built in a cycle (it was built in two)Marko Simonović, Petra Mišmaš, objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci Opis: In this talk, we focus on verbs and argue that verbs lack prosodic specification in their lexical entry. We propose that the two different stress patterns in verbs are a consequence of two positions for theme vowels in the verbal domain. Assuming that Slovenian prosody places stress at the final syllable of the deepest cycle (Simonović under review), we argue that the verb forms that surface with a stressed theme vowel (e.g. godrnj-á-mo) have the theme vowel positioned just below the first cyclic head, whereas the remaining verbs have their theme vowel above this position which leads to stem-final stress (vijúg-a-mo).
Ključne besede: verbs, stress, root allomorphy, Slovenian, Distributed Morphology
Objavljeno v RUNG: 07.09.2020; Ogledov: 3773; Prenosov: 0
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