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Opis: This paper focuses on the e/i theme vowel class of verbs in Slovenian to bring together two seemingly unrelated debates: (i) the debate on the correlation between theme-vowel classes and certain argument structures and (ii) the debate on the status of derivational affixes within the framework of Distributed Morphology. Our core data come from a list of 108 unaccusative verbs obtained using adjectival active l-participles as an unaccusativity diagnostic. We show that (i)  no unaccusative verbs belong to the two largest theme-vowel classes in Slovenian (a/a and i/i), whereas (ii) the two big theme vowel classes tend to get accusative arguments quite frequently. Most importantly, (iii) the e/i class stands out since more than one half of the unaccusative sample falls into it. The e/i class is furthermore exceptional in that its theme vowel surfaces in adjectival l-participles, it is the theme-vowel class to which inchoatives in inchoative-causative pairs belong and it behaves uniformly with respect to stress. Based on this behavior, which sets the e/i-class apart from other theme-vowel classes, we argue that the morpheme e/i is better analyzed as a derivational affix. We further argue, following Lowenstamm (2014), that derivational affixes are transitive roots rather than categorizers and propose detailed PF and LF instructions for the root under consideration.
Ključne besede: theme vowels, derivational roots, unaccusatives, l-participles, Slovenian
Objavljeno v RUNG: 18.02.2022; Ogledov: 1686; Prenosov: 51
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Opis: In this paper we consider several instances of the Slovenian affix ov, which surfaces in many, apparently unrelated contexts. Here we focus on (i) ov in verbs, where it can act as an imperfectivizer or a verbalizer, (ii) ov found in possessive adjectives and kind adjectives derived from nouns, (iii) ov which precedes the adjectiviser (e)n in denominal adjectives, and (iv) ov in nominal declension (acting as a genitive case ending in dual and plural or as a dual/plural augment). Building on the observation that certain affixes function either as inflectional or as derivational (see Simonović and Arsenijević 2020), and working within a Distributed Morphology approach which postulates that derivational affixes should be analyzed as roots (e.g. Lowenstamm 2014), we argue for a single multifunctional ov. This ov is a potentially meaningless root that can take as a complement other roots (thus forming a “radical core”) or phrases, resulting in different structures and consequently different stress patterns and meanings, but can also act as an Elsewhere allomorph, whose insertion is guided by an interplay of phonological and morphological constraints.
Ključne besede: morphology, Distributed Morphology, Slovenian, multifunctional affix, roots
Objavljeno v RUNG: 04.01.2021; Ogledov: 2190; Prenosov: 64
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