Measuring free word order: Some empirical and modeling perspectivesArtur Stepanov
, invited lecture at foreign university
Abstract: Languages manifesting flexibility of word order (within the sentence's compositional meaning) have always presented a challenge for modern theories of syntax requiring any deviation from the canonical word order to be grammatically motivated. Parasyntactic motivations such as information structural or stylistic requirements may account for some portion of this flexibility, but not all of it. In addition, native speakers do not necessarily accept canonical and non-canonical word orders to an equal extent. In fact, the latter typically receive lower acceptability scores than the former, albeit above the subjective threshold for what would count as "ungrammatical". Some of the combinatorially possible word orders are not acceptable at all. In this experimental study we scrutinize different word order sequences in a free word order language (Serbo-Croatian) and attempt to isolate independent displacement factors responsible for various elements of the sentence appearing away from their canonical structural positions. We explore differential and cumulative effects of these independent factors to predict speakers' acceptability scores.
Keywords: Free word order, experimental syntax, Serbo-Croatian, sentence acceptability task
Published in RUNG: 11.02.2021; Views: 2196; Downloads: 0
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Advances in formal Slavic linguistics 2017
2020, proceedings of peer-reviewed scientific conference contributions (international and foreign conferences)
Abstract: Advances in Formal Slavic Linguistics 2017 is a collection of fifteen articles that were prepared on the basis of talks given at the conference Formal Description of Slavic Languages 12.5, which was held on December 7-9, 2017, at the University of Nova Gorica. The volume covers a wide array of topics, such as control verbs, instrumental arguments, and perduratives in Russian, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, and complementizer ellipsis in Czech, impersonal se-constructions and complementizer doubling in Slovenian, prosody and the morphology of multi-purpose suffixes in Serbo-Croatian, and indefinite numerals and the binding properties of dative arguments in Polish. Importantly, by exploring these phenomena in individual Slavic languages, the collection of articles in this volume makes a significant contribution to both Slavic linguistics and to linguistics in general.
Keywords: Slavic, linguistics, Formal Description of Slavic Languages, control verbs, instrumental arguments, perduratives, comparatives, negation, n-words, negative polarity items, complementizer ellipsis, impersonal se-constructions, complementizer doubling, indefinite numerals, binding, Russian, Czech, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, Polish
Published in RUNG: 02.06.2020; Views: 2470; Downloads: 184
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The importance of not belonging: Paradigmaticity and loan nominalizations in Serbo-CroatianMarko Simonović
, Boban Arsenijević
, 2018, original scientific article
Abstract: In a number of Slavic and Germanic languages, various derivational affixes and morphological patterns of Latin origin are relatively common, and bear effects as abstract as deriving event nouns from verbs and property nouns from adjectives. This seems to contradict the general observation that abstract morphology typically is not subject to borrowing. We discuss the status of two Serbo-Croatian (S-C) nominalizing Latinate suffixes, -cija and -itet, complemented by one Germanic suffix, -er. On our analysis, these are not borrowed suffixes and derivational patterns, in the sense that they were present in another language and got copied into S-C, but rather suffixes and patterns which emerged within S-C, more specifically in the borrowed stratum of the S-C lexicon. Crucial factors in their emergence were the shared semantic properties of the nouns ending in the respective sequences (-cija, -itet and -er), and the quantitative properties of these sequences closely matching those of native derivational suffixes. Pragmatic, phonological and prosodic constraints apply to these derivations to the effect that the suffixes that have emerged in the borrowed domain of the lexicon never enter a competition with the native nominalization patterns.
Keywords: nominalisation, borrowing, loanword, language contact, Serbo-Croatian
Published in RUNG: 29.11.2018; Views: 3138; Downloads: 118
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Prosody preservation and borrowing verbs as nouns in three systems with lexical prosodyMarko Simonović
, published scientific conference contribution abstract
Abstract: The claim by Moravcsik (1975) that “if verbs are borrowed, they seem to be borrowed as if they were
nouns” generated a long-standing discussion within language contact research (see e.g. Wohlgemuth
2009 for a recent summary). More precisely, the claim was that “the borrowing language employs its
own means of denominal verbalization to turn the borrowed forms into verbs”. This can be interpreted
either as a statement about the integration pattern (which may not be mentally represented in
monolinguals) or as a claim about the syntactic representation of borrowed verbs in general, whereby
borrowed verbs contain an nP embedded under the vP. Both interpretations constitute important
hypotheses, which can serve as useful windows into the relation between morphology and phonology.
interpretation is compatible with the claim by Simonović (2015) that the integration pattern
essentially gets selected by Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1997): the pattern with most preservation of
the properties of the base and least stem allomorphy integrates loanwords. The second interpretation
makes important predictions whose implementation is highly dependent on the theory of morphology
employed. In this presentation I use a recent elaboration of Distributed Morphology in which the
separation between roots and categorial heads is extended to derivational suxes
and put it to use in accounting for verb borrowing and denominal verbalisation in three Western South
Slavic varieties: Slovenian, Western Serbo-Croatian (henceforth Croatian) and Eastern Serbo-Croatian
(henceforth Serbian). All three varieties have lexical prosody. Slovenian has lexically determined stress.
In Serbo-Croatian each word has a lexically determined H, and stress assignment follows from its
distribution: if the syllable with a H is initial, italso gets stress; if the syllable with a H is non-initial, the
stress goes to the preceding syllable, forming a disyllabic rising accent (Zsiga & Zec 2013).
Simonović (2018) discusses exceptional preservation of base prosody in Western South Slavic verbs,
showing that WSS verbsallow only two prosodic shapes: stress/H stem-nally
(1a)and stress/H on the
theme vowel (1b), analysed as the contrast between accented and accentless roots. The only verbs
which ever display more contrast are borrowed and denominal verbs (2). Since nouns generally allow
more prosodic contrast than verbs (Smith 2011), Simonović (2018)argues that verb prosody should be
viewed as the regular WSS prosody, whereas all the cases of additional contrast should beanalysed asa
consequence of special Faithfulness, and, at least for the classes discussed by Simonović (2018),asingle
type of special Faithfulness seems to be sucient:
Against the sketched background, variation within WSS is analysed. All three varieties have two
patterns for denominal verbs which both allow for exceptional preservation of the base prosody: -a-ti
and -ov-a-ti (illustrated in 2a; a isatheme vowel in both cases, ti is the innitive
ending). Tellingly, each
variety now hasastabilised borrowing pattern in which one of the two suxes
is used for English verbs
(illustrated in 2b). The necessity ofa denominal verbalisation analysis is relatively limited for Slovenian
and Croatian, where a large majority of verbs (but not all) become reanalysable as verbalised accented
roots (all the verbs in 3 have a stem-nal
stress/H). For Serbian, however, virtually all borrowed verbs
from the modern contact with English display the intermediate root -ov-, which makes the denominal
verbalisation analysis very attractive. Completing the picture for all three varieties, we turn to older
borrowed verbs, especially those from the contact preceding the one with English, in which alarge class
of international verbs were integrated and in which no prosodic contrast is instantiated (4).
In sum, the deverbal nominalisation analysis seems to beastrong cross-linguistic tendency rather than
an absolute rule and its availability depends both on the phonological makeup of the available
denominal verbalisation patterns and on the amount of prosodic contrast in the source language.
(1) Slovenian Croatian Serbian
a. Accented √ gléd-a-ti ‘to look’ gléHd-a-ti ‘to look’ gléHd-a-ti ‘to look’
b. Unaccented √ kop-á-ti ‘to dig’ kóp-aH
-ti ‘to dig’ kóp-aH
-ti ‘to dig’
(2) Slovenian Croatian Serbian
a. Denominal verbs málic-a-ti ‘to snack’ úH
(cf. málica ‘snack’) (cf. úH
žin-a ‘snack’) (cf. úH
vér-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ vjéH
r-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’ v(j)éH
r-ov-a-ti ‘to believe’
(cf. vér-a ‘faith’) (cf. vjéH
r-a ‘faith’) (cf. v(j)éH
b. Borrowed verbs édit-a-ti ‘to edit’ rikvéH
st-a-ti ‘to request’ rikvéH
st-ov-a-ti ‘to request’
tríger-a-ti ‘to trigger’ inváH
jt-a-ti ‘to invite’ inváH
jt-ov-a-ti ‘to invite’
(3) Borrowed verbs which can be reanalysed as verbalised accented root
sénd-a-ti ‘to send’ séHnd-a-ti ‘to send’
submít-a-ti ‘to submit’ éHdiH
t-a-ti ‘to edit’
(4) International verbs
Slovenian Croatian Serbian
Present.1Pl asist-ír-a-mo asíst-i:H
Present.1Pl fotograf-ír-a-mo fotográf-i:H
Present.1Pl protest-ír-a-mo protést-i:H
Lowenstamm, Jean. 2015. Derivational axes
as roots: Phasal spell-out meets English stress shift. in
Artemis Alexiadou, Hagit Borer,and Florian Schafer (eds.) The syntax of rootsand the roots of syntax,
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 230–259.
Moravcsik, Edith. 1975. Borrowed verbs. Wiener Linguistische Gazette 8.
Simonović, Marko. 2015. Lexicon immigration service - Prolegomena to a theory of loanword
integration. (280 p.). LOT Dissertation Series 393.
Simonović, Marko. 2018. There is Faith and Faith: Prosodic contrast in Slovenian and Serbo-Croatian
verb derivation. Poster presented at the 26th Manchester Phonology Meeting.
Smith, Jennifer. 2001. Lexical Category and Phonological Contrast. In R. Kirchner, J. Pater, and W.
Wikely (eds.) PETL 6: Proceedings of the Workshop on the Lexicon in Phonetics and Phonology.
Edmonton: University of Alberta, 61-72.
Smith, Jennifer. 2011. Category-specic
In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin Ewen, Beth Hume,
and Keren Rice (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Phonology, 2439-2463. Malden, MA:
Steriade, Donca. 1997. Lexical Conservatism. In Linguistics in the Morning Calm, Selected Papers
from SICOL 1997, 157-179. Hanshin Publishing House
Wohlgemuth, Jan. 2009. A typology of verbal borrowings. Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Zsiga, Elizabeth C. and Draga Zec. 2013. Contextual evidence for the representation of pitch accents
in Standard Serbian. Language and Speech 56;1: 69 – 104.
Keywords: Borrowing, Denominal verbs, Slavic, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, Serbian, Croatian
Published in RUNG: 27.11.2018; Views: 3098; Downloads: 0
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There is Faith and Faith: prosodic contrast in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian verb derivationMarko Simonović
, 2018, published scientific conference contribution abstract
Keywords: Verbs, Prosody, Optimality Theory, Distributed Morphology, Faithfulness, Theme vowels, Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian
Published in RUNG: 12.06.2018; Views: 3629; Downloads: 208
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The role of syntax in stress assignment in Serbo-CroatianBoban Arsenijević
, Marko Simonović
, 2013, independent scientific component part or a chapter in a monograph
Abstract: This chapter analyses a set of interface phenomena showing important correlations between certain phonological regularities on the one hand, and a set of syntactic and semantic properties of the respective expressions on the other. Serbo-Croatian deadjectival nominalizations typically exhibit one of two different prosodic patterns: (1) prosody faithful to the base i.e., surface prosody of the lexical adjective (e.g., Ispraavnoost ‘correctness’, derived from Ispraavan ‘correct’); and (2) a rising span over a long closed penultimate syllable and the syllable following it (e.g., isprAAvnOOst ‘correctness’). The chapter formulates a generalization where, all things being equal, nominalized predicational structures correspond to (1), while nominalized stems correspond to (2). It provides a formal model of the syntactic and semantic as well as the phonological reality of these nominalizations, and an attempt at explaining these facts.
Keywords: deadjectival nominalizations, lexical conservatism, syntax-phonology interface, compositionality, Serbo-Croatian
Published in RUNG: 07.02.2018; Views: 3338; Downloads: 0
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